Kirchner proposal defeated

No to the soybean tariff a "huge political setback for the leftist government, which had invested an enormous amount of its credibility and political capital in the measure. "

Obviously she is not very good at counting noses or votes, if her own vice-president voted against her proposal.
Farm leaders and others watch, on
an open-air screen in Buenos Aires,
the Argentine Senate move toward
rejection of a soybean-export tax increase.

Now, for Mrs. Kirchner to get her eight–month–old presidency back on the rails, analysts said, she will have to try to reinvent herself and adopt a more consensus–based governing approach, rather than restricting decision–making to a tight inner circle centered around her husband, the ex–president Néstor Kirchner.

Or become even more confrontational.

the Kirchner government tried to frame the tax fight as nothing less than an effort to preserve Argentine democracy. The Kirchners repeatedly characterized tax opponents as "coup–mongers" and tried associating them with Argentina's repressive military dictatorships of the 1970s and early 1980s. Farm interests and tax opponents wanted "to remove the government from office and destabilize the nation," said Mr. Kirchner, who is leader of the governing Peronist party.

That didn't work. So they tried a heavy hand.

While support for farmers rose, the government was increasingly forced to rely on the backing of groups that many Argentines consider unacceptable, such as Peronist unions, which have often been linked to corruption, or bands of piqueteros, unemployed people from the barrios who depend heavily on government social programs.
That didn't work either.

Early Wednesday, the government expressed confidence that it had lined up a majority of the 72 senators to vote in favor of the proposal. A handful of senators deserted the government during the day, leaving the vote deadlocked 36–36 early Thursday morning.

Bad political leadership, to lose support so easily so late. Then it came down to how Julio Cobos would vote.

Argentine political columnist Joaquin Morales Sola wrote that Mr. Cobos's vote marked the end of a period when the Kirchners could pretty much govern Argentina as they pleased.

Argentine Tax Plan Lands a Tough Ally

Ongoing saga in Argentina. Last week a story told of Nestor, former president, organizing a rally in support of Cristina, La Presidenta, his wife. This is the other side: not nice, but physically intimidating.

When pro-government activist Luis D'Elia crossed paths with one of Argentina's rural antigovernment protesters at a demonstration in March, they spent only a few seconds discussing agrarian policy. Then, while the farm backer was glancing away, the stout, jowly Mr. D'Elia socked him with a right to the head. Mr. D'Elia is the leader of one of the country's most prominent organizations of piqueteros, or picketers, groups of unemployed barrio residents who are available to join rallies on short notice. The piqueteros have served as Mrs. Kirchner's shock troops in a four-month fight over the government's move to impose a politically unpopular soybean-export tax.

Shock troops, or physical goons, one supposes.

The Kirchner government maintains cash stipends to low-income families, and many piqueteros are beneficiaries. Some piqueteros have also benefited from government programs such as financial support for low-income housing.

Allies.

Last month, Mr. D'Elia suggested people get ready to defend the Kirchner government by exercising their constitutional right to take up arms. In an intemperate radio interview, Mr. D'Elia growled, "I hate whites...I hate the Argentine high classes, which have done so much harm, which have killed so many people, in the name of one flag, which is the flag of their own gain."

As if Nestor and Cristina aren't white?

How do I define demagoguery? Thus: Mrs. Kirchner has said that the farmers have been blocking roads and taking to the streets, just as the piqueteros do, but haven't faced the same disdain because they aren't poor.